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The Language of Autocracy: Ancient and Modern

Published online: 21.06.2023

How do autocratic regimes legitimise their claims to power? This was the guiding question as Politics and Society at AAU hosted a 2-day conference on 9-10 June 2023. The conference – organised by classical philologist Aske Damtoft Poulsen and ancient historian Carsten Hjort Lange – was inspired by the contemporary worldwide crisis in political freedom: for 2022 was in fact the 17th consecutive year of decline, according to Freedom in the World.

By PostDoc Aske Damtoft Poulsen and Communiciations Officer Charlotte Tybjerg Sørensen, Communications officer
Slide: From the conference

Rather than harvesting the democratic gains expected from the fall of the USSR, the Arab Spring, and the expansion of the EU, we find ourselves in the midst of a resurgence of autocracy – a resurgence whose devastating consequences we are currently witnessing in real time in Ukraine.

Current rise of autocracy is a world-wide phenomenon

The sudden dramatic exposure to autocracy in the form of Putin’s invasion should not, however, obscure the fact that the current rise of autocracy is a world-wide phenomenon. All around the world, we find the upsurge of similar rhetoric: democratic institutions are too feeble and too inefficient to handle a crisis, and only a strong leader, unfettered by constitutional constraints, can guarantee peace and security.

The conference sought to historicize this trend by juxtaposing the rhetoric used by contemporary autocrats with that used by the Roman emperors – who some 2000 years ago had to legitimise the replacement of the failing Roman Republic with a de facto autocracy. How universal are autocratic legitimation strategies? Is there an enduring logic governing the rise and maintenance of autocracies and the systems of thought that support them? In other words, how exceptional is our current autocratic moment?

Taking its cue from the observation that the rhetoric of the archetypical autocratic ‘strong man’ appears to be oddly similar throughout history, the conference consisted of a mix of international experts and young scholars, approximately half working on Ancient Rome and half on various modern and contemporary autocracies.

Some of the participants in the conference
Some of the participants in the conference
Photo: Private

They see themselves as father figures

Keynote speaker Professor Michèle Lowrie from the University of Chicago got the ball kicking with a flashback to Donald Trump’s infamous video message to his supporters during the Capitol Attack in January 2021: “Go home. We love you. You’re very special.” Unpicking the implicit messages of the video, she reminded us of the uncomfortable proximity of love and domination: indeed, it seems to be a mainstay of autocratic rhetoric that the autocrat’s care for and benevolence towards the people – or at least those he deems the “real” people – justifies his position as sovereign; that is, his power to legally set aside the law. He, after all, is the only one who really cares. The Roman emperors, as is well-known, were habitually portrayed as such caring, yet strict father figures, though – as Ellen O’Gorman discussed in her paper – the father-children metaphor was not the only way to conceptualise the power of the emperors, the doctor-patient metaphor and the herdsman-flock metaphor being particularly popular.

Autocratic regimes portray themselves as inevitable

Another take on the autocrat as benevolent father figure was offered by Irem Tuncer-Ebetürk (Berlin Social Science Center) and Defne Över (Texas A&M University), who in their discussion of Erdogan’s public image brought our attention to his habitual confiscation of cigarettes (now exhibited inside the presidential palace) as well as his occasional pardoning of those condemned for insulting the president, that is, for insulting him. This latter point provided another bridge between the ancient and the modern, as we can read in the works of the Roman historian Tacitus how the Emperor Nero once lost his temper when a senator who had been accused for the sole purpose of allowing Nero to pardon him was released by the senate with a mild warning – thus preventing Nero from showcasing his “clemency”.

Whereas most speakers were from abroad (Germany, Norway, Egypt, Sweden, Turkey, Italy, the UK, and the US), the conference also provided AAU-based historians and political scientists with a chance to disseminate their research in an interdisciplinary setting: Carsten Hjort Lange offered a timely warning about how we often approach “autocrats” with our own personal and political prejudices, Aske Damtoft Poulsen noted how autocratic regimes frequently seek to portray themselves as inevitable – or at least necessary for the maintenance of law and order – and Casper Sakstrup got a lively discussion going about how personalist autocracies have a stronger tendency to wage foreign wars.

The presence of a threat

Another highlight was Marzia Fiorentini’s (Sapienza Università, Rome) talk on child emperors in the late Roman Empire: For if the autocrat himself can be merely a placeholder, what does that tell us of what an autocracy needs to function? An answer may perhaps be found in Han Lamers’ (Oslo University) presentation on how the institutionalised performance of love and loyalty towards the ruler, in this case Mussolini, brought a sense of unity to the Italian Fascist regime.

Another key element seems to be the presence of a threat, whether internal or external – or, as Matthew Blackburn (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs) demonstrated is the case in contemporary Russia, an internal threat portrayed as a weapon funded by external actors. For whereas the Roman Empire lacked a powerful rival and therefore had to resort to ghosts from the past (most notably those who had assassinated Julius Caesar) to legitimise repression in the present, contemporary autocratic regimes frequently define themselves in opposition to an outside political system and culture – not least the so-called Western world.

Finally, the conference introduced a new word into the English language: “cakeism” is an attempt to have two mutually exclusive things at the same time. Example sentence: The Roman senator Pliny the Younger’s portrayal the Roman Empire as simultaneously peaceful and on the brink of civil war before Trajan’s accession to the throne is an excellent example of cakeism. Pliny has his cake and eats it too.

The conference practicalities were expertly handled by Bo Møller Lange, in unison with a group of dedicated students in the history programme. Even the Italians praised the food.